Items

• Gender bias in Australia’s senior science curriculum

  Ross et al. (2023) 2023

  Australian researchers have considered the challenge of engaging girls in STEM by analysing the role of gender bias in four senior secondary Australian science courses. The under-representation of girls and women in STEM is a well-recognised issue. Girls’ school educators regularly find themselves on the frontline of this issue as they implement initiatives and opportunities to combat the negative effect of gender interest stereotypes and a lack of positive female role models (Alliance of Girls Schools Australasia [AGSA], 2022a; 2022b; 2022c; Australian Government Department of Industry, Science and Resources, 2022). The researchers who developed this paper have discussed some possible interventions to reduce gender bias in Biology, Chemistry, Environmental Science and Physics classes and improve engagement rates for girls. This provides useful strategies that can be considered when delivering STEM content in girls’ schools. The authors assessed the latest curriculum offered for senior secondary science courses across Australia. Only courses that were “common across all curricula and [were] part of the Australian Tertiary Admissions Rank (ATAR)” were included (Ross et al., 2023, p. 4). Ross et al. (2023) considered the representation of women both through mentions of scientist names and mentions of scientific concepts (and how these were linked to gender). The project also considered the presence of a Eurocentric focus in the courses, although this was considered separately to the presence of gender bias. The initial outcomes of this research were interesting, if not unsurprising given the gender bias present more broadly in STEM. In the Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia curricula there were no female scientists mentioned (Ross et al., 2023, p. 7). Only 1.4 percent of mentions in the Queensland curriculum were female scientists, and 1.5 percent in the South Australia/Northern Territory courses (these were considered in combination as both use the same curriculum content) (Ross et al., 2023, p. 7). A national trend across all curricula was clear that in the majority of cases, students were exposed to scientists in these courses “via relevant discovering being named after the scientist who discovered them” (Ross et al., 2023, p. 13). This is problematic given that these naming conventions historically excluded women, and female achievements were regularly miscredited to men (Ross et al., 2023, p. 13). This has created a narrative of a “lone male genius” (Ross et al., 2023, p. 13). The researchers have suggested that this can reduce girls’ ability to perceive where they may fit in scientific fields and can decrease their performance in the classroom (Ross et al., 2023, p. 13). The concept of the “lone male genius” is highly problematic. There have been attempts to improve this approach in these courses by encouraging students to “investigate the ‘multiple individuals’ who contributed to a specific scientific discovery” (Ross et al., 2023, p. 14). While this can inadvertently minimise the work of women in STEM, it nonetheless provides educators with an opportunity to include a focus on significant female achievements in the field. It can also encourage a “student-driven approach to investigating the contributing scientists” (Ross et al., 2023, p. 14). Importantly, the authors note that while some Australian states are making an effort to shift away from this narrative, New South Wales “is the only state that actively reinforces this ‘lone male genius’ narrative” (Ross et al., 2023, p. 14). This holds significant implications for girls well beyond a presence of female scientists in the curricula of senior science courses. The researchers’ consideration of Eurocentrism within the curricula also highlighted further implications for girls who do not identify with Anglo-Australian backgrounds. The absence of scientists from culturally and linguistically diverse communities and female scientists in these courses “poses a significant hindrance” to girls including those with diverse backgrounds (Ross et al., 2023, p. 15). It can also inhibit their ability to develop a relatability towards positive role models. The researchers who developed this review of senior science courses have discussed a range of strategies. This includes the need to ensure significant female figures are actively integrated into the curricula for these courses. Ross et al. (2023) do note that including the names of female scientists alone is not a complete solution, as this would be a tokenistic measure. It would not address the true gender bias present in the curricula for these courses. The authors also believe that the barriers faced by female scientists should be studied so that girls can be fully aware of the significance of their achievements. Their research suggests that “without the historical and contextual backgrounds of women in STEM, it runs the risk of [once again] becoming
• Gender norms and traditional cultural understandings: Gender in the early childhood classroom

  Gelir (2022) 2022

  The question of gender within the early childhood education space is one of topical importance for girls’ schools in Australia (Chapman, 2022). Australia also has an increasingly and rapidly growing body of ethnically diverse families and students, including ethnic minorities, voluntary migrants and refugees (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2021; Australian Human Right Commission; 2014). As the author of the article notes, this research raises a number of considerations surrounding traditional gender norms, ethnic minorities and language. While the case study may have been based in a minority community in Turkey that has been subject to conflict, it does reveal the need for ongoing sensitivity to students’ ethnic backgrounds and cultural beliefs. This is particularly so in situations where ethnicity, language or other cultural beliefs do not receive formal recognition, and further highlights the ongoing impact this can have on children and families even after many years of resettlement in Australia (Stroja, 2022). The article by Iksender Gelir from the Preschool Education Department at Siirt University, Turkey, considers how Kurdish preschool children construct gender roles by drawing on household and community knowledge. Gelir’s main finding is that “children position their gender roles according to the values and expectations of their minority community” (2022, p. 302). The author identifies the development of gender roles as social constructs, noting that these gender constructs are performative, not biological. Ultimately, Gelir (2022, p. 303) highlighted the recognition that “preschool teachers need to be aware of young children[‘s] gender constructions and to challenge children[‘s] traditional gender roles by expanding definition[s] of gender roles”. The article was based on “participant observations [of two children], audio and video recordings of interactions between the teacher and children in the nursery” (Gelir, 2022, p. 302). Both children were five years of age, and experienced different languages and cultures at home compared to the preschool environment Gelir (2022). The author has based this analysis on Vygotsky’s earlier research that suggested language and the mastering of language affects children’s development of thought and intellectual growth within the context of social context and its impacts on cognition development (Vygotsky, 1978, 1986). This included the assumption that learning is both intrapersonal (i.e. cognitive) and interpersonal (i.e. social). The research for this article was conducted in Turkey, where community environments include ethnic and religious minorities. Participants in the study live in a Kurdish community located in east Turkey, and speak the Kurmanji dialect of Kurdish. The preschool was also located in the Kurdish community. This community was typically characterised by mothers undertaking housework, with fathers fulfilling “head of family” roles, and undertaking seasonal worker tasks in various Turkish cities. The region that was the focus of the study also has a higher illiteracy rate than other parts of the city. Preschool is the “first formal level of education” in Turkey, but at the time of writing is not compulsory. Children can be aged between three and five to attend preschool, which has its own dedicated curriculum. The language within preschools is Turkish, as Kurmanji is not an officially recognised language. The teacher of the preschool in the case study identified as Kurdish, and could speak (but not write) Kurmanji. There exists a perception that children of identified minority groups have a “lack of knowledge”, however, children within this demographic can indeed possess important knowledge that can facilitate learning (Gelir, 2022, p. 303). In fact, their home environments can be rich in terms of knowledge. This is important because children can transfer aspects of the home to the classroom, and the classroom to the home. This means educators need to consider the experiences of children outside of the school environment as an inherent part of the learning process. In particular, this includes a consideration of what this can contribute to the child’s experience in the classroom environment, and how their “household” knowledge is reflected within the classroom (Gelir, 2022, p. 303). The author particularly noted in the article that children can draw on their home environment to construct gender roles, but can also draw on language as part of this process. This reflects the understanding that cultural resources and household environments can “contribute to traditional gender constructions” (Gelir, 2022, p. 303). It is an “inclusive pedagogical approach” to allow students to draw on their pre-existing knowledge in learning environments, however, this simultaneously highlights the need for teachers to be aware that children’s prior experience can influence their understanding of gender constructs. In particular, Gelir (2022) observed that t
• Girls scared away from science by sexist banter at co-ed schools

  IOP 2015

  A new report by Britain's Institute of Physics has found that co-educational schools need to do more to tackle sexist banter and attitudes that discourage girls from pursuing careers in science. While the Opening Doors report found that all schools had policies to counter racist, sexist and homophobic language, sexist language was often dismissed as "harmless banter" though "many of the students, particularly girls, did not see it as such" and that "in extreme cases, it verged on bullying". Some of the many important findings of the Opening Doors report include that: Many of the schools were "inadvertently reinforcing the notion that certain subjects were harder than others" and that girls "lack ability" and "innate talent" in certain subjects, and this was "particularly true for girls contemplating mathematics and the physical sciences". Timetabling constraints in many schools reinforced gender stereotypes through offering subjects in blocks that send "a strong message about the types of courses that are taken by boys and girls". "Some schools, mindful of bad behaviour from boys, had policies of alternate boy-girl seating, effectively using the girls as buffers to keep the boys apart. In general the girls noticed and resented this policy." While girls had access to the full range of sporting activities at some schools, in other schools "girls resented being prevented from taking certain sports considered unsuitable for them". In 2012, the Institute of Physics published the It's Different for Girls report which found that 49% of all government co-ed schools did not have a single female student taking A-level physics and that girls attending independent single-sex schools were four times more likely to take A-level physics than girls in government co-ed schools. In fact, 7.2% of girls in single-sex independent schools took A-level physics in 2011 compared with 4.9% of girls in co-ed independent schools, 4.3% of girls in single-sex government schools and 1.8% of girls in co-ed government schools. In 2013 the Institute followed this report with its Closing Doors report examining existing gender imbalances in six A-level subjects which result in girls being more likely to take English, biology and psychology, and boys being more likely to take mathematics, physics and economics. The report found that 81% of government co-educational schools were either "maintaining or exacerbating the already poor gender bias of progression into these subjects". One of the main findings of the report, however, was that "single-sex schools are significantly better than co-educational schools at countering gender imbalances in progression to these six subjects". References Institute of Physics. (2013). Closing doors: Exploring gender and subject choice in schools . Retrieved from: https://www.iop.org/education/teacher/support/girls_physics/closing-doors/page_62076.html Institute of Physics. (2015). Opening doors: A guide to good practice in countering gender stereotyping in schools . Retrieved from: https://www.iop.org/education/teacher/support/girls_physics/reports-and-research/opening-doors/page_66438.html
• School experiences of transgender and gender diverse students in Australia

  Jones et al. (2016) 2016

  An Australian study conducted by Jones, Smith, Ward, Dixon, Hillier and Mitchell sought to explore the schooling experiences of transgender and gender diverse students that are becoming increasingly visible across Australia’s education landscape. From their findings they propose a number of recommendations for establishing more inclusive practices within schooling environments that can better support these students (Jones, Smith, Ward, Dixon, Hillier & Mitchell, 2016, p. 156). At an international level there has been an increased awareness and acceptance of the growing possibility of students presenting diverse gender identities within schooling contexts. The existing literature on transgender and gender diverse students has largely focused on risk factors associated with belonging to this population, including the increased potential for victimisation and discrimination within the school environment. Evidence of the schooling experiences of this population is being increasingly used to inform policy protections aimed at establishing inclusive school environments that provide greater recognition and support for gender diversity. Against this backdrop, Jones et al.’s study became focused on exploring the extent to which Australian transgender and gender diverse students report feeling supported within their school environments, with particular consideration of recognition of their experiences of puberty and sexuality education, treatment by students and staff, and advantages of participating in activism (pp. 156, 157). To conduct their study, 189 transgender and gender diverse students across Australia’s various education sectors participated in an online survey answering questions related to their schooling experiences, mental health and the role of activism in their wellbeing. In depth interviews were further conducted with sixteen of the survey participants who were willing to discuss their experiences of schooling in greater detail (pp. 160, 161) The data obtained from interviews and surveys revealed that the majority of participants in the study reported a lack of inclusion in their experiences of sexuality and puberty education. Two-thirds of transgender and gender diverse students revealed that the provision of sexuality education at their school was mostly inappropriate for failing to recognise sexual and gender diversity. The findings further revealed that 55% of participants believed that their education regarding puberty was mostly inappropriate (pp. 163, 164). Transgender and gender diverse students revealed negative experiences of schooling in their accounts of the wearing and policing of school uniforms. Many participants reported that the wearing of the school uniform was a problematic experience, particularly where the uniform options provided by the school were strongly gendered. Participants predicted that improvements to the inclusion and wellbeing of gender diverse students would be benefitted by uniform options that supported greater flexibility in gender expression (pp. 164, 165). Lack of support from school personnel was reported to bear a significant weight on transgender and gender diverse students’ negative experiences of schooling. A common situation through which gender diverse students reported feeling ill-supported by school personnel was when their teachers and school administrators failed to acknowledge them by their preferred name or pronoun. This situation reportedly affected students’ ability to concentrate in class, which for many students further led to them achieving poor results or leaving school entirely. Lack of recognition of ones’ gender diversity from school personnel was also positively linked to increases in verbal and physical abuse from peers (pp. 165,166). Participants with supportive classmates were less likely to experience victimisation at school. However, 65% of the study’s participants reported experiencing verbal abuse from their peers on the basis of their gender diversity and 21% reported experiencing incidences of physical abuse. Over 90% of participants who had experienced physical abuse were reported to have contemplated suicide (pp.165, 166). Due to experiences of discrimination and victimisation, 91% of participants in the study reported being involved in activism promoting the need for improvements in society for gender diverse and transgender people. Becoming involved in activism was reported to have a positive impact on participants’ wellbeing by increasing their resilience (33%), easing their symptoms of depression (30%) and reducing their ideation towards self-harm (30%) and suicide (31%) (p. 166). The data provided by the surveys and interviews with transgender and gender diverse students illustrate the need for schools to continue to scrutinise and transform their practices so as to improve the inclusion of these students within the school environment. Based on their findings, the authors recommended that improved school climates fo
• Single-sex classrooms remove the confines of traditional gender binaries and allow students to embrace gender fluidity

  Schmidt (2020) 2020

  In a year-long study conducted in Single-Gender Initiative (SGI) classes in South Carolina, Sandra Schmidt (Colombia University, New York) found that single-sex classrooms do not reinforce a rigid dichotomy of male and female gender traits. Schmidt (2020, p. 1093) claims that gender distinctions are “foundational to the institutional and spatial arrangement of schools”, for example through gendered toilets and uniforms. While single-sex schools are free from those internal markers of bias, their very existence does rely on the male/female gender binary construct. Schmidt (2020) therefore acknowledges the potential for rigidity when schools design and program specifically for the single-sex environments, yet her findings indicate that even when this does occur, social fluidity within these social spaces will disrupt stereotypical gender norms. This persistent dynamism means that even when school policies, personnel, and structures attempt to reinforce gender norms, binaries and hierarchies, students can and will disrupt these societal messages through ‘play’. Schmidt (2020) suggests educators need to be aware of how students “create free space” for “gender non-conforming play”, while encouraging consideration of how educators can create the freedom for students to “play and ascertain the boundaries and possibilities of their (gender) identities” (p. 1111). Schmidt’s (2020) qualitative study saw her spend one academic year with 97 students in a newly developed SGI class in South Carolina to determine how students negotiated gender dichotomies. She drew on personal experience, observations of classes, informal discussions, and interviews with students to draw her conclusions. These classes were developed from policies that responded to psychologists’ beliefs that male and female students were subject to “innate learning differences” (Sax, 2005; Schmidt, 2020, p. 1094). Schmidt’s work responds to critics who suggest that single-sex schooling does not lead to educational benefits, reinforces sex/gender binaries, and strengthens traditional hierarchies that can marginalise female staff and students (Halpern et al., 2011; Jackson, 2010). Some have responded to such critiques by showing that young people can enact “moments of transgression in these rigid social spaces” (Schmidt, 2020, p. 1096). Others have suggested that adults are “most influential in shaping” experiences in schools that can “disrupt [the] gender reproduction of schooling” (p. 1096). Schmidt provides important new understandings of the ways young people themselves can become “part of the production of the social landscape”, while applying these findings to key examples of single-sex classrooms in South Carolina (p. 1096). The SGI classrooms involved in the study were subject to strict reinforcement of a ‘rigid gender-differentiated landscape’ (p. 1100). Learning and motivational techniques were focused around so-called ‘boy’ and ‘girl’ learning styles and identities. Schmidt (2020) observed that teachers in all-boys classes used overt and explicit competition as a behaviour management tool, such as through ‘war’ games to earn privileges and publicly posted grades. Female students experienced a distinctly different approach where girls were “given sticky notes and boxes of markers so they could use colour in their assignments”; collaboration was facilitated and encouraged, as was the celebration of classmates’ successes. Based on an assumption of gender differences in “dexterity”, “boys were given printed PowerPoint slides, while girls copied notes from the board” (Schmidt, 2020, pp. 1100-1101). Schmidt (2020) observed that students in single-sex girls’ classes challenged the gender stereotypes underpinning this single-sex environment in two particular ways: the development of family trees (during a class activity), and competition. Students were asked to develop a ‘family tree’ of their relationships in their classrooms. One set of female participants challenged heteronormative constructs, developing family trees depicting only female roles – “grandmother, mothers, aunts, cousins and sisters” (p. 1102), while males generally produced mixed sex depictions. Intersections of race, socioeconomics and academic performance influenced these representations. However, Schmidt (2020) observed that the family tree became “an important representation of the social relationships that cohered a group of girls to either collectively engage in or resist the lessons each day” (p. 1102). While this intersectionality means not all findings are directly relatable to any all-girls environment, two responses were either consistently or intermittently observed in girls: “direct and indirect resistance to teacher practices” and the desire to engage in the more dynamic activities reserved for the boys’ classes (Schmidt, 2020, p. 1104). This resistance included subversive development of their own methods of learning and play that reflected the competitive benchmark
• The 2023 Girls’ Index: Exploring girls’ beliefs, experiences and needs

  Hinkelman 2023

  Ruling Our eXperiences [ROX] first launched The Girls’ Index in 2017, and it became a baseline for understanding “what girls think, believe, perceive and need” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 2). The survey has since been expanded, with a new report released that explores the 2023 survey results. This report provides critical information on the experiences and needs of girls from grades five to 12 throughout the United States, and highlights the impact of today’s complexities on girls. While geographically distant from Australasia, there are shared challenges faced by girls globally in today’s world, and ROX has provided beneficial insights into girls’ approaches to these issues. ROX partnered with schools across the United States to survey girls in grades five through to twelve. Participating schools were classified as “urban, suburban or rural” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 8). 90 per cent of participants attended public schools, and 43 per cent attended schools from mid-high or high poverty socioeconomic areas (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 9). The survey targets a number of key areas including confidence, pressure, stress and wellbeing, schools and leadership, and social media. Girls’ confidence levels have dropped since 2017, with a decrease especially seen from grades five to 11 (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 5). This has been significantly impacted by body image and social media, with a clear correlation between increased time on social media and lower confidence levels (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 11). Girls who were happier with their body were also more likely to be confident (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 12). It is important for educators to note that girls who felt they belonged at their school were “7 times more likely to also describe themselves as confident” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 11). This reflects the value of belonging across many domains, which is important given its proven benefits for girls (Alliance of Girls’ Schools Australasia [AGSA], 2021, 2022). Levels of sadness and depression among girls has increased in every grade since 2017, however, it has doubled for girls in grade seven and eight. Even more concerningly, it has tripled for girls in grades five and six (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 212). When asked what was causing these emotions, girls cited four specific stressors: Adults pressuring girls to be perfect, girls pressuring themselves to be perfect, school stress, and pressure to “fit into specific roles or stereotypes” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 24). Gender stereotypes were the most significant stressor reported by girls. Girls in the survey noted that “school, friendships and family issues” all placed particular pressure on students (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 5). Relationships were one of the most significant challenges noted by girls, with some feeling that “girls are in competition with one another” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 7). The stress caused by this “drama” was reported by girls as a major deterrent for attending school (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 25). Highlighting the importance of confidence building in girls, the survey showed that girls who feel confident are less likely to report these high levels of sadness, depression and stress (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 24). Girls with healthy female friendships also report a decrease in the number of days they feel sad or depressed (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 33). Responses from numerous girls showed the importance of supportive staff for helping girls feel connected to their school (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 25). When girls feel they can “be authentic at school and when they have adults who care about them at school, they are more likely to want to attend school and feel like they belong there” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 25). This authenticity is important. Girls who feel they can be themselves at school are six times more likely to enjoy attending their school. When girls feel like they can belong at their school, they are 70 per cent more likely to enjoy their attendance (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 27). The survey also considered girls’ confidence in their skills and leadership abilities. Concerningly, many reported reduced confidence in their own abilities, with nearly a quarter of girls in grades 5 and 6 reported being unsure “if they were smart enough for their dream career” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 6). This lack of confidence regularly extends to leadership roles. While girls may enjoy undertaking leadership positions, more than half of the survey respondents report being afraid to take on these roles due to fears they will be seen as “bossy” (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 5). This fear was prevalent: Nearly 60 per cent of girls enjoy being in charge of an activity or project, yet fear leadership as they worry they will be perceived as bossy, too loud or opinionated (Hinkelman, 2023, p. 29). This reinforces the important role girls’ schools play in supporting girls to explore their leadership ambitions in positive environments (AGSA, 2023a, 2023b). It will likely come as no surprise that girls’ use of social media has increased. When the surve
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  The Gender Gap in Teen Experiences

  (2025) 2025

  American teens face a host of challenges these days – both inside and outside the classroom. A 2025 Pew Research Center survey of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 finds that, while there is some common ground, many of the problems and pressure points teens are dealing with differ significantly for boys and girls. In addition, many teens see imbalances in how boys and girls are experiencing school and how they’re performing academically.
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  Understanding and supporting neurodiverse girls in mainstream schools

  Milner, V. L., Mohamed, L., & Happ, F 2025

  “Beyond the stereotype”: Neurodivergent students’ experience and peer and teacher understanding of neurodiversity in a mainstream girls’ school. Neurodiversity , 3. https://doi.org/10.1177/27546330251326056 Overview Researchers from King’s College London studied the experiences of neurodivergent girls (primarily those with autism and ADHD) in a selective all-girls’ school. Their findings shed light on how schools can better support these students. Key Findings Misunderstanding & Assumptions - 93% of students said people don’t understand what it means to be neurodiverse. - Common myths: excelling in one area = excelling in all areas; autism/ADHD are the only forms of neurodivergence. Stigma & Disclosure - Students feared being labeled, stereotyped, or bullied if they disclosed a diagnosis. - Teachers viewed disclosure as essential for adapting instruction, but worried about bias or misinterpretation. Camouflaging & Pressure - Many girls described “performing” to fit in—masking differences at high emotional cost, leading to exhaustion and stress. The Double Empathy Problem - Neurodivergent students felt misunderstood. - Teachers and peers lacked confidence in their understanding. - This mutual gap deepened stigma and isolation. Implications for Schools - Whole-School Education: Incorporate assemblies or lessons to reduce stigma and myths. - Safe Spaces & Trusted Staff: Provide quiet areas and support networks for overwhelmed students. - Inclusive Teaching: Use clear instructions, adapt communication, and show patience with different learning needs. - Amplify Student Voices: Involve neurodiverse girls directly in shaping strategies. - Universal Supports: Offer strategies for all students, including high-achieving but unidentified girls with neurodivergent traits.